This is not intended to demean or upset Eritreans, who understand the history of both Ethiopia and Eritrea as intermingled, non-separable and unique. This view leads to a more harmonious, prosperous and mutual understanding, which benefits the oppressed peoples of the problem ridden, disease invested, draught stricken and poor countries of the horn. The fanatic Eritreans have been writing and rewriting "their" history in a way so that it fits their extreme nationalism and Mussolini-like dreams of hegemony of a "civilized people" out to" civilize" feudal Ethiopia and teach her an unforgettable lesson. They haven't yet sorted out facts from fables! Thus, a short description of events is given in order to meet the distorted views, stereotypes, iterations and duplicities by these few assailants. Here, it should be understood, that I am not out to recriminate, discredit, show contempt or vilify the truthful, matured, co-operative and understanding Eritreans. They know that the existence of both peoples' hinges on the removal of the obstacles to indispensable and long-awaited peace, i.e., Issayas Afeworki, their mental malady, obsessive and excessive nationalism.

Background

The 1998-2000 war between Eritrea and Ethiopia has had its historical background in a multifaceted and complex problem, arising from the totalitarian nature and ego of the leaders of the two so-called nationalistic liberation fronts, i.e. Issayas Afeworki of the EPLF (Eritrean People's Liberation Front) and his complaisant Meles Zenawi of the TPLF (Tigrai People's Liberation Front). These two leaders have never exercised democratic traditions in their respective organizations and have always been obsessed by absolute power and tight control of their rank-and-file soldiers and the "liberated mass". Though, the two fronts appeared to initially co-operate militarily in overthrowing the authoritarian government (derg) of Mengistu Hailemariam, contradictions continued to surface during their bumpy road to victory.

One of the most serious setbacks between these two authoritative and secretive organizations came to the surface during the 1984-1985-hunger catastrophe, when hundreds of thousands of Ethiopians were dying, especially in the northern provinces of Ethiopia including Tigrai, Wello and Northern Shoa. The EPLF, an ally of the TPLF at the time, for reasons unknown and shrouded in mystery secluded its liberated territory and thereby denied the TPLF access to food aid through the Sudan. As a result of this inhumane act by the EPLF, thousands of Ethiopians were believed to have died during the arduous operation of forced evacuation of the people to the Sudan. Trekking long distances, the aged, weak and malnourished children were exposed to easily transmittable diseases and bombardments by the derg's warplanes. This tragic event caused uproar within the TPLF fighters, abhorred the EPLF and demanded the leadership to take an immediate retaliation against this obvious "betrayal". Although ideological, both tactical and strategic contents were forwarded as the main reasons for the temporary squabble. The TPLF under the leadership of the "pragmatist" Meles requested a joint meeting to be held in order to normalize the relations for the sake and common cause of fighting against the common enemies-derg, Soviet interference and imperialism. This renewed friendship resulted in the total abortion by the TPLF fighters of the derg's so-called "Northern Star Campaign " which had almost succeeded in encircling and annihilating the EPLF from its northern most Nakfa mountain military base. Not only the military operation was successful but the TPLF brought also dozens of donkeys loaded with food aid to the beleaguered EPLF fighters. Many Tigrean fighters, who were sent to protect their "comrades" and fulfill their "international revolutionary duty of the oppressed workers and peasantry" so that the military campaign was incapacitated, were killed or maimed in this well orchestrated offensive. This campaign of the derg was supported and guided by high-level foreign military advisers and enormous amounts of modern weaponry. The TPLF has never officially mentioned this very act of joining hands and conspiring with the archenemy of Ethiopia. This information was disseminated by some reliable sources immediately after the start of the war during 1998-2000. Although the war claimed more than 100,000 on both sides, the news outflow at the outbreak of the war has revealed scandals in the relations both during and after the "liberation" struggle of both groups. The war and its inglorious end also highlighted the speculations of a "behind-closed-door agreements", reached during the early years by the leaders of these two organizations, which could also unravel the unjust and unholy alliance to scramble the Ethiopian territories.

The anathema of the present impasse of war followed by a deadlock of the boundary delimitation and demarcation of the borders has to do with the historical and psychological make-up of the elite group at the helm of power in Eritrea. Thus, a short introduction as to the present background of events is necessary to elucidate the clear evidence based on the different episodes of historical perspectives of the Eritrean way of thinking, hubris, inflated nationalism, facts and fictions and surrounding myths. Though voluminous history books are available on the subject Eritrea and Ethiopia, my perceptions are used to give light to the main issues and courses of historical facts. Different scenarios of how Ethiopians handled the Eritrean dilemma in light of fractionation of their territory by misappropriation, bogus treaties, which are null and void, appeasement, unsettled issues, misguided definitions and support for their "cause" vis-�-vis Ethiopian national interests are outlined, so that today's or next generation of Ethiopians rectify the past mistakes and safe-guard the pride, history, national integrity and sovereignty of Ethiopia. Furthermore, how the past and present Ethiopian regimes handled or mishandled the Eritrean problem are indicated. Finally, the remedies or eternal solutions, suggested by all concerned international peace mediators, organizations and the present state of affairs after the decision taken by the Ethiopia-Eritrea Boundary Commission (EEBC) are presented. Is the present decision a lasting solution or create yet another ticking bomb, leading to vicious circles of conflicts, which will blast any time? In face of this dangerous prospects, imposed by the will of judiciary body, should Ethiopia with a population of 71 million be landlocked, left at the mercy of tiny small chiefdoms, clans, sheikdoms and self-serving individuals and petty nationalist elements? Should Ethiopians get ready for the worst to come in the fight against the unjustifiable, one-sided complot and fulfill the hegemonies of others to control and suppress their rightful access to the sea, to their homes and territories of their ancestors and to their waters, just because there is no government, which stands for the national interest, sovereignty and territorial integrity of this great nation? Thoughts and scenarios of historical nature and future aspirations are forwarded so that prominent Ethiopians who stand and fight for the national interest and hope for the generations of Ethiopians are called for to be bearers of banner for freedom, justice, democracy, liberty and the rule of law as well as rectify the miscarriage of injustice against Ethiopia and Ethiopians. Let's begin with the roots of the problem and present them in contextual episodes, created by external forces and supported by internal troublemakers in the relations between Eritrea and Ethiopia.

Territorial ambition of Italy

Eritrea, which was historically part of the Ethiopian kingdom from time immemorial except some parts of the Red Sea occupied by the Ottoman Turks during the 16th century and some parts bordering the Sudan with an Islamic population, has a Christian mostly Coptic religious background and a culture similar to the Christian highland of Ethiopia proper. The root cause of the present problem lies in the reoccupation of the Ethiopian territories of Massawa in 1846 and Bogos (Keren) in 1872 by Egypt, which then was administered by a Turkish descendant Khadive Isamil. The Egyptians regarded these territories as a launching pad for further occupation deep into Ethiopia and control of the Nile waters. The invasion however, was totally repulsed by the victorious and brilliant African General Alula Aba Nega at the battles of Gundet (1875) and Gurae (1876). Alula, who was the founder of Asmara brought with him tens of thousands of defenders from Ethiopia in general and Tigray in particular to safeguard the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ethiopia. Thus, the general population of today's Eritrea mainly stems and traces its roots to the honorable defendants of Ethiopia.

The colonial ambition of Italy dates back to the acquisition of land through a refined contract signed on 11th March 1870, between Giuseppe Sapeto, a Lazarist missionary on behalf of the Raffaele Rubbattino Company and the brother Sultans of Assab, Hassan and Ibrahim ben Ahmed and a third Sultan of the Bay of Buya, Abdella Sahim, for an insignificant sum of lire. Furthermore, Darmake Island was rented to the company for a period of ten years at a yearly payment of 100 thalers to the Sultan of Rahaita. The small private possession with surrounding Islands rented by the Company thus, resulted in the transfer and purchase of the plots of land to the Italian government with a sum of about 400,000 lire. With the arrival of the imperialist European powers to partition and carve up the African continent among themselves following the Berlin Conference in 1884-1885, Italy then a weak and newly united country in 1861, started to fill up the gap of the then defeated Egyptian colonizers of the lowland Eritrea and Massawa by exploiting the contradictions between France and Britain. The conclusion of a Treaty (named as the Hewett or Adwa Treaty) and signature on June 3, 1884 between his majesty Yohannes the Emperor of Ethiopia and Britain, represented by Rear-Admiral Sir W. Hewett led to the restoration of the Ethiopian rule on Keren and near the Sudanese border, protection of the Egyptians by Ethiopians from the Mahdists and assistance to the port of Massawa for further transport to their homeland. While these parts of the treaty were mainly fulfilled, Britain was only willing to promise free port for Ethiopian goods under British protection. In August 1885, the Italians started advancing inland and occupied Saati, the port of Zulla and Wi�a totally disregarding the warning letter from Alula to General Gen�. To protect Saati from total annihilation by the Ethiopian forces, Gen� sent more than five hundred troop reinforcements but was intercepted at Dogali (1887), resulting in total victory for Ethiopia over a European colonial army. Due to the external factors and threat to the existence of the Christian community in Gonder, where the Mahdist Muslim movement occupied large swathes of the territory, burning down churches, looting and killing people, Yohannes moved his entire army to dislodge the occupation army, while the Italians used this opportune moment to occupy other parts including Asmara. The chaos followed by the death of Yohannes at Metemma in 1889 and the assistance provided to Menelik by Italians to win the throne in exchange for his recognition of Eritrea as the sovereign administration of Italy resulted in the Treaty of Wuchale the same year. This first episode thus culminated in the declaration of Eritrea as a colony in 1890, total seclusion of Ethiopia from its Red Sea Coasts and protectorate over all of Ethiopia (according to the claim in the Italian translation). Thus, Italy immediately started rewarding the local lords, arming and recruiting the future mercenaries (askaris), who would start waging war against the people of Ethiopia.

The askaris were used not only in the suppression of the internal resistance against the Italian rule but also in the occupation of near and far communities of Somalis and Libyans. True to the nature of the colonial inculcation of superiority in the minds of these poor and easily manipulated subjects, the askaris under the leadership of their masters launched an all-round offensive to occupy Ethiopia and were defeated by the brave sons of Ethiopia in the historical town of Adwa in March 1896. Prisoners of war, whom Emperor Menelik treated as an Ethiopian mercenary (Eritrean askaris) fighting against his own motherland, were mutilated or body parts chopped off so that they never repeated the act of aggression in the service of a foreign power. But credit should also go to heroes such as Dejazmatch Bahta of Akele Guzai who mobilized his own army and fought side by side with his Ethiopian commanders against the colonizers. The Ethiopian victory hindered Italy's attempt and dream of a colonial empire comparable to that of the British, French and Portugal for the following 40 years or so. The Ethiopian victory over Italians had a great significance to the struggle of many oppressed and colonized peoples in the world. The victory sent tremor and shock to the psyche of the "superior race mentality" of the colonial powers. It proved that a well organized people, how inferior it might be in armaments could defeat a well-equipped power. Though falsifications and revisionism of history have been forwarded by some colonial slaves to discredit the Ethiopian victory and its historical meaning to many peoples all over the world, the fact remains that Adwa was the first historical battle in which a European power was entirely defeated.

During this period and the following years, the Italians were encroaching on the dominion of Ethiopia and thus were confiscating and apportioning many villages and areas. There were even times, when a local lord exchanged vast areas for simple ammunition and rifles. No Ethiopian government has ever ratified the territories, which the Italians drew on maps changing now and then on whims and whishes. Delimitations or demarcations could therefore be taken as one-sided, fulfilling the aggrandizement policy of Italy. These territories are now taken for granted by some irresponsible leaders, running the external and internal affairs of this great country, mediators, whose historical understanding and knowledge of the complexity of the issue is limited and the so-called experts or advisors on conflicts, whose betrayal is insurmountable when the day of reckoning comes.