A MANIFESTO FOR
UDJ: Moral Economy, an Alternative to Capitalism and Socialism
By
Tewodros Kiros, PhD
Ethiopia
needs a new Economic Form, an alternative to EPRDF�s oppressive
socialism, and I suggest that UDJ adopts this manifesto, suitably revised
for contemporary
Ethiopia
, as the party is preparing to win the next election for the Birtukan�s
future generation.
Maat
was to ancient
Egypt
as Wisdom was to ancient
Greece
. Wisdom was to Plato�s aristocratic regime as Maat was to
Egypt
�s social and political life. The concept of Maat insinuated itself with
every aspect of Classical Egypt. Pharaohs and the majestic slaves who
erected the pyramids swore by Maat. Rich and poor, men and women, slaves
and free citizens worshipped the magic of Maat. Matt was the moral
organizer of everyday life in classical
Egypt
. Every facet of Egyptian life
was organized by the expansive principle of Matt. Every facet of Egyptian
life was framed by Maat. Why did Matt have such a presence in Egyptian
life? What was its magical spell? I should now like to address these
questions. The human self required an organizing moral principle. Moral
life cannot function without a moral frame, a frame that furnishes the
self with boundaries and limiting conditions of social action. It is
precisely this lacuna that was lacking in Egyptian morality until the
self-creating Egyptian gods originated the expansive concept of Maat.
Matt, was symbolized by the feminine principle of �truth, balance, order
and justice�. Maat was harmony, righteousness, patience and vision, born
out of the feminine principle of patient labor. For the ancient Egyptians,
the order of the universe was also the ideal order for the human world.
For
the Greeks, the universe was ordered by Logos, by the rational word. It is
this order that Plato used in his Republic,
when he constructed an ideal city out of Logos. This principle was later
translated into, �In the beginning was Logos�, and was with God and
the Logos was God (John1:1). Jesus himself was Logos, in marked contrast,
for the ancient Egyptians, the organizing principle of Logos was replaced
by the organizing principle of Maat. The Egyptian city was ruled by kings
who personified Maat. The human heart, which was worshipped by the
Egyptians, and which was the seat of thinking, was also the seat of Maat.
The pharaohs were expected to rule with Maat, and not without it. The
pharaoh�s greatness was measured by the quality and quantity of Maat
that he or she internalized. After death, their hearts would be weighed by
the scale of Maat, the scale of Justice.
When
famines occurred and deep inequalities became a way of life, it was the
duty of the rulers to uphold Maat and measure the depth and extent of the
suffering. Not that this ideal was perfectly upheld, particularly when
nature overwhelmed the rulers ideals, but there was at least an absolute
and objective standard by which social/ political life was judged and
measured.
Maat
as a moral form requires an appropriate economic form, which has yet to be
theorized. I should now like to defend the following hypothesis. No matter
how elastic and flexible the dominant capitalist economic form, and
however generously it is stretched, the capitalist economic form is
plainly speaking morally vacuous to accommodate the greatness of Maat as a
moral form. The most fitting moral form that could work in tandem with
Maat is an economic form that is anchored on a solid moral foundation.
Maat is precisely that moral foundation, which is yearning for an economic
form, particularly relevant for the African condition.
A
moral form requires a supportive economic form. Classical
Egypt
had the right moral form but not the right economic form. Whereas Maat
singled out the self as capable of stepping out of its ego shell and
embracing other egos outside of it, the corresponding famine and hunger
situations forced the actual Egyptian not to embrace the other, but to
destroy other selves. It is these particular moments of despair and
anguish that killed the enabling moments of patience, justice and love,
Maat�s feminized principles. The Egyptian self was thus denuded of its
potential grandeur, which would make many Afrocentrists, intent on proving
the moral superiority of the African self, cry in despair. To say that
material deprivation produced moral deprivation is not to argue that at no
point, did the African self ever present itself as moral. The idealized
attempts by Egypt�s leaders that led to internalize the limiting
conditions of Maat proves the Afrocentric hypotheses that there was a
particularly Egyptianized/Africanized effort at internalizing moral
greatness, but it was not institutionalized in Egyptian life, the way that
the capitalist form did in the 17th century and beyond.
The
moral form of life that Maat promised remained on paper, as nothing more
than an ideal. The ideals were not institutionalized as ideas, which can
be lived, which can be practiced. African thinkers did not take the time
to embody these ideals in the life blood of institutions. In short the
moral form did not produce a corresponding economic form, in the precise
way that the capitalist form produced a corresponding moral form, and
institutionalized the latter in far reaching institutions of the state and
its civil society. That is the task that I should like to impose on
myself. The celebrated moral features of Maat are generosity, justice,
uprightness, tolerance and loving patience. Indeed, these are demanding
virtues that capitalism as the dominant economic form cannot support, no
matter how diligently it tries.
Adam
Smith, the world-famous economist, but who was also a moral philosopher,
argued that unless capitalism is restrained by morality, as a limiting
condition of greed and superfluity, it will eat itself up. To that effect,
he developed an elaborate moral theory comprising of what he called
�moral sentiments� to control the excesses of the market. He proposed
compassion and sociality as two powerful moral sentiments that could
regulate the excesses of the market. The moral sentiment, he thought,
could counter the purely instrumental features of the capitalist economic
form. Of course, to this day, his warning of an inevitable doom has yet to
be heeded, and capitalism itself continues to marvel of its resiliency to
create crises and immediately correct them, thereby proving its
�naturalness� and making it easy for its proponents to present it to
the world as a God-chosen economic form. Any attempt to counter it with
something like Maat is dismissed as a pipe dream. No one in their right
mind is expected to take Maat seriously. And the fact that the
geographical origin of Maat is an African civilization conveniently
results in dismissing Maat as irrelevant and wishful thinking.
Maat
as a moral form is considerably deeper than the passing moral sentiments
that the Scottish moral philosopher, David Hume, proposed. Generosity,
justice, uprightness, tolerance, wisdom and loving patience go directly
against our natural proclivity of injustice, dishonesty, intolerance,
closedmindness, ignorance and hate. These vices seem to fit the
ready-to-hand tapestry of our makeup, which by now has become so second
nature that no Maat is going to dissemble these powerful vices, which were
effectively used to build empires and economic forms that support the
visions of the rich and powerful. In contemporary life revitalizing the
features of Maat requires nothing less than manufacturing a new human
being.
We
must create new human beings, human beings who have to be willing and
capable of acting generously, patiently, tolerantly and lovingly. We do
not have such human beings in sufficient numbers that matter to construct
an economic form that values justice, uprightness, wisdom, tolerance and
loving patience. Taking the virtues singly, the following picture emerges.
Let us begin with generosity.
Generosity is a virtue. It is a virtue that is willing to give
without receiving, or is willing to give without the deliberate intent of
receiving anything, or that the receiving is only an accident, and not an
intentional act. The generous person then gives a particular good A to
person B; and person B does not simply receive A as a matter of course. B
receives A with a profound respect of the giver, and even plans, if she
can, to one day reciprocate not in the same way, but in some way. The
reciprocity need not be of equal goods. A and B need not be two equal
goods, in which equality is measured by money. What makes the act morally
compelling is the desire to reciprocate, and not the quantity of the
reciprocity.
One
of the economic forms of Maat, as illustrated above, is a vision of the
self as generous, and generosity itself does not require a calculated
practice of reciprocity but simply the desire and the commitment to give
when one can, and sometimes to give A to B, although A has to sacrifice
good C for the sake of giving A to B, even when one cannot, and perhaps
should not, and yet the generous gives nevertheless. One of the central
pillars of Maat as an economic form is the cultivation of a human self
willing and capable of acting generously in the relational moral regime of
giving and receiving, or simply giving without receiving, or receiving
with a profound sense of gratitude and respect. The celebrated moral
features of Maat are generosity, justice, uprightness, tolerance and
loving patience. Indeed, these are demanding virtues that capitalism as
the dominant economic form cannot support, no matter how diligently it
tries.
Adam
Smith, the world famous economist, but who was also a moral philosopher,
argued that unless capitalism is restrained by morality, as a limiting
condition of greed and superfluity, it will eat itself up. To that effect,
he developed an elaborate moral theory comprising of what he called
�moral sentiments� to control the excesses of the market. He proposed
compassion and sociality as two powerful moral sentiments that could
regulate the excesses of the market. The moral sentiment, he thought,
could counter the purely instrumental features of the capitalist economic
form. Of course, to this day, his warning of an inevitable doom has yet to
be heeded, and capitalism itself continues to marvel its resiliency to
create crises and immediately correct them, thereby proving its
�naturalness� and making it easy for its proponents to present it to
the world as a God chosen economic form. Any attempt to counter it with
something like Maat is dismissed as a pipe dream. No body in her right
mind is expected to take Maat seriously. And the fact the geographical
origin of Maat is an African civilization, conveniently results in
dismissing Maat as irrelevant and wishful thinking. Maat as a moral form
is considerably deeper than the passing moral sentiments that the Scottish
moral philosopher proposed. Generosity, justice, uprightness, tolerance,
wisdom and loving patience go directly against our natural proclivity of
injustice, dishonesty, intolerance, closedmindness, ignorance and hate.
These vices seem to fit the ready to hand tapestry of our makeup, which by
now has become, so second nature that no Maat is going to dissemble these
powerful vices which were effectively used to build empires and economic
forms that support the visions of the rich and powerful. In contemporary
life revitalizing the features of Maat requires nothing less than
manufacturing a new human being.
We
must create new human beings, human beings who have to be willing and
capable of acting generously, patiently, tolerantly and lovingly. We do
not have such human beings in sufficient numbers that matter to construct
an economic form that values justice, uprightness, wisdom, tolerance and
loving patience. Taking the virtues singly, the following picture emerges.
Let us begin with generosity. Generosity is a virtue. It is a virtue that
is willing to give without receiving, or is willing to give without the
deliberate intent of receiving anything, or that the receiving is only an
accident, and not an intentional act. The generous person then gives a
particular good A to person B; and person B does not simply receive A as a
matter of course. B receives A with a profound respect of the giver, and
even plans, if she can, to one day reciprocate not in the same way, but in
some way. The reciprocity need not be of equal goods. A and B need not be
two equal goods, in which equality is measured by money.
What
makes the act morally compelling is the desire to reciprocate, and not the
quantity of the reciprocity. One of the economic forms of Maat, as
illustrated above, is a vision of the self as generous, and generosity
itself does not require a calculated practice of reciprocity but simply
the desire and the commitment to give when one can, and sometimes, to give
A to B, although A has to sacrifice good C for the sake of giving A to B,
even when one cannot, and perhaps should not, and yet the generous gives
nevertheless. One of the central pillars of Maat as an economic form is
the cultivation of a human self willing and capable of acting generously
in the relational moral regime of giving and receiving, or simply giving
without receiving, or receiving with a profound sense of gratitude and
respect. Justice is one of the features of Maat and it is also a potential
source of a Moral Economy, appropriate for the African condition.
As
Aristotle taught, one does not become just merely by abstractly knowing
what Justice is; rather, one becomes just by doing just things. The
puzzling question is this: if one does not know what justice is then how
can she know what just things are, so that she could choose only just
things and not others? The question is not easy to answer. But an example
might give us a sense of what Aristotle means, and then proceed to discuss
the matter at hand, justice as one of the economic forms of Maat.
It
is Christmas evening and a family is gathering for a dinner and the table
has been set for ten people. Among the popular dishes are five pies, and
shortly before the guests arrive, one of the family members has been asked
to cut the pies into exact sizes, such that no single person would feel
that he has mistakenly picked one of the smallest pies, in the event that
a person picked a piece and it turned out to be the smallest.
The
task of the pie cutter is to observe that justice is served and that all
the pies are cut evenly and fairly. This is of course an exceedingly
difficult task, but justice demands it, and the just cutter must prove the
worthiness of her moral action. What must this person do? That is the
moral question. Well, at the minimum the person herself must be just in
order to perform just action, and in this instance, justice means nothing
more than cutting the pieces equally to ones best ability, and that she
must do so fairly.
She
must cut the pies with a moral imagination and an intuitive mathematical
precision, and must pray to the transcendent to make her see justly, and
that she is enabled to measure precisely. There is a spiritual dimension
to the science of measurement, which could have been simply done with a
measuring tape. That possibility, however convenient, is not elegant. She
is not going to stand there with a tape ruler to cut pies. Rather, the
expectations are two, that (1) she is going to make an effort to be
precise, because her intention is to be just and (2) that her eyes are
just, or that she prays that they would be. (1) and (2) are the
requirements; the rest is left to moral imagination.
She
cuts the pies, and it turns out that all the pieces appear to be equal,
and when the guests arrived, they randomly pick the pieces, and appear to
be clearly satisfied. What we have here is a display of justice in the
Aristotelian sense, in which justice is defined as an activity that is
guided by a measure of equality, and equality itself is manifest in the
attempt at being fair to everyone, and in this example, an attempt to be
fair to the guests, without their ever knowing that they are being worked
on. They judge the event as illuminated by justice, and the event as
uplifting. They eat, drink, converse, dance and leave.
Justice
presents itself in this event, through the presence of those delicious
pies, each of which was a duplicate of the other. Generalizing this to a
higher level, what we can say is that any economic form must be guided
with justice as an event of doing things fairly and that all the
commodities that human beings should want must be distributed with such a
standard, the standard of justice as fairness. Given justice as fairness,
commodity A can be distributed between persons B and C
in such an equitable way that B and C share commodity A by getting
the same amount at any time, any place and for a good reason.
Compassion is another feature of Maat; indeed, it is one of the
cardinal moral forms for the new moral economy that I am theorizing here.
Compassion is to moral economy as greed is to capitalism. One cannot
imagine capitalism without the salient principle of greed, and similarly,
one cannot imagine moral economy without the originary principle of
compassion. The modern world is divided by class, race, gender, ethnicity
and groups. Out of these divisions it is class division that is the most
decisive, as it is also the one that seems to be so natural that we cannot
surmount the pain and agony that it produces. In a class-divided world,
compassion is the least present because there is no compelling reason that
persuades individuals to be compassionate if they are not naturally
compassionate, or are inclined toward it. Of course, where compassion is
not naturally present, it could be taught either by example or directly
through teaching.
An
example should elucidate the place of compassion in moral economy. It is
summer, and exhaustingly hot. People that you encounter are hot tempered
too. Everybody is on edge, including you. You happen to be a coffee lover,
so there you are standing behind a long line of people to get your fix.
The heat has made you really impatient, and you are ready to explode on
anything around you. You are also naturally generous but not this day.
Soon, before you leave the coffee shop, a homeless person smiles at you
and tries to engage you in a conversation, hoping that you will understand
the purpose of the conversation. Of course you understand, but you ignore
him and walk by. But then something bothers you, and you come back to the
coffeshop and generously give the man what he wanted. You are proud of
yourself, because you have done what generosity demands, that you control
your temper and perform the morally correct action. Surely, you say to
yourself it was not easy, but you did it.
Now
you wonder what all this means, and why you did it. It is obvious to you
why you did the action. Indeed, it is because you are really a
compassionate human being but also a religious person. You really have no
obligation to pay attention to that person. He is not related to you, he
is not an ex friend that fortune turned against, nor did you do it so as
to be a hero by the media.
Your
action is morally worthy only because you have internalized compassion. To
you compassion comes quite naturally. It is part of your moral frame. Any
repeated action becomes a habit. So compassionate action comes habitually
to you. You rarely fight it. Rather, you exuberantly let it lead your way,
as it eventually did on that hot and difficult day. But even on that day
you conquered the temptation of doubt, and excessive self love, by the
moral force of compassion. That is why you corrected yourself, when you
were briefly but powerfully tempted by forgetfulness on that hot day and
returned to do the morally right thing.
Compassion
is morally compelling when it is extended to a total other, which has
nothing to do with our lives, other than the silent duty we have toward
those who await our moral attention. It is much easier to be compassionate
toward a loved one, a friend, a relative and even an acquaintance; harder
is the task when the subject is a real other, such as that homeless person
by the coffee shop. In order for any action to be morally worthy the
motive must be pure, and the purity is measured by the quality and
quantity of the compassion that is extended to any needy human being,
uncontaminated by external motives, such as love, friendship, acquaintance
and relation.
It
is in this particular way that I am arguing that compassion serves Maat. Tolerance
is a crucial feature of moral economy. In fact, it could easily be argued
that it is an indispensable organizing principle, which works in tandem
with loving kindness. Just as we cannot love a person without respecting
her, except delusorily, we cannot live with one another without tolerating
each others� needs, habits, likes and dislikes.
In
the economic sphere tolerance is subtly pertinent. We cannot readily sense
its inner working unless we pay attention to its musings at the work
place, as we interact with one another as bosses and employees.
Consider
the following example to underscore the point. There is this employee who
does things in ways that many people find annoying. She customarily comes
late to work; she procrastinates; she spreads papers, cans and food stuffs
all around her sometimes she cannot even find herself amid the dirt, the
pile and the dust. Yet, and this is the point, whatever she does is done
flawlessly, as flawless as human products could be. Her boss has agonized
over what to do with her; he has contemplated firing her numerous times.
Lulled by the elegance of her work and his loving-kindness toward her, he
decides to keep her. He has promised himself to erase those occasional
thoughts of getting rid of her. As he told one of his friends, he has
learned, and not very easily, the ways of tolerance as a principle of
management, of managing employees who will not and cannot change their
habits for the rest of their lives.
I
consider this manager very wise and skilled at the art of management. He
decided, obviously because he could change himself as hard as it was,
rather than expect his employee to change. The structure of his thoughts
could be put syllogistically. Y can change his way / X cannot change
easily / Therefore Y must change for the sake of Z.
Y
is the manager. X is the annoying employee. Z is the organization where Y
and X work. In this situation Z is saved precisely because the manager
internalizes tolerance and loving-kindness as the organizing principles of
the organization. Y controls his ego and chooses to advance the interests
of Z over and against his own private needs. He did not fire X because his
ego demands it. Nor does he ever insist that X must change. He has
intuitively and empirically concluded that it is not pointless to expect X
to change, nor would it benefit Z to lose X, since X is an intelligent and
skilled worker.
Where
tolerance is habitually practiced at workplaces it becomes an
indispensable good that could save many employers the unnecessary cost
that is incurred on hiring and firing employees and ease the distress of
the families and loved ones of employers and employees. Tolerance can
easily remedy the situation. If it is much easier for managers to change
than it is for excellent employees with annoying habits, and then it is
those who can change their ways who must change for the sake of a
functional and democratic moral economy.
Patience
is a feature of Maat. The ideal leader as well as the ideal citizen must
patiently wait to witness the appearance of the Transcendent. Nothing
great is accomplished without a transcendental intervention, the seal of
completeness, of Generosity and Justice, two other features of moral
economy, as I have argued in previous essays.
Rarely
is patience, however, associated with economic forms. Economic forms are
founded on seizing the opportunity before it vanishes. The activity is
everything but patient. Patience and quick money making are the virtues of
capitalism. In that world view, success is measured by shrewdness,
quickness, impatience and opportunism. Whereas patience is undermined by
capitalism, the economic form for Maat reveres it. The economic form for
the African condition demands it. Without this virtue the disadvantaged
citizen of the African continent is doomed, fated to starve and die.
A
moral economy, in contrast, when founded on Maat, shares with Maat an
ardent belief in patient waiting, and this is particularly true during
times of famine, poverty and loss. Patient waiting is the much needed
virtue that both generosity and justice demand. An example might
illuminate the abstraction.
African
Economy in country A has been blooming, and the Western world has been
hailing it as a model for the future. Country A gets spoiled and its
inhabitants shop madly. No commodity is beyond their reach, so they think.
Suddenly, all things, with the exception of the Transcendent change, since
no condition is permanent. The oil fields drain. The spoils of the economy
are distributed unevenly.
The
citizens become impatient with country A, which had introduced them to the
pangs of luxury, which have now become the pangs of hunger. Friends turn
against friends. The shopping frenzy slows down. Their lovers do not love
the men anymore. The rate of divorce increases, since the men�s ability
to maintain expensive lifestyles are no more.
Patient
waiting for better days is not a norm. Loves and friendships founded on
comfort, wealth and excessive wealth are not permanent. They flounder as
easily as they initially sprawled. Things that last must be built slowly,
in the furnace of time, and be sculpted in accordance with the laws of
beauty.
Country
A is no longer a model of hope, but a model of despair. An economic form
that does not institutionalize patient waiting as a way of life digs its
grave when conditions change. That is why patient waiting also must be
systematically insinuated in the African citizen�s psyche, as an ethics
of living, and a stylistics of what I have previously called-existential
seriousness. A responsible economic form must inculcate the virtue of
patience among its citizens, from early on. This complicated and demanding
virtue must be taught at all levels of school. It must be part of economic
principles, and be taught as such, and not be pushed to the side lines, as
part of religion and theology, which does not have much to do with morals,
and has nothing to do with economics. It is this dogma of capitalist
economics that must change.
My
argument here is a modest contribution to challenge one of the
foundational dogmas of bourgeois economics. The morals must guide
economics and a new moral economy that works in concert with moral
philosophy and religion is precisely what the African condition requires.
More morality, with a distinct religious voice, such as the notion of
patient waiting, will strengthen and expand our horizons as we struggle
with poverty, famine and other sorrows of modern life.
We
need more people who can patiently wait as everything changes, hopeful
that no condition is permanent, including the conditions of nations, when
their economies get distorted and the citizens are hardened and become
cruel towards one another, and that the notion of helping your fellow
citizens sounds indeed very strange, to those who are comfortable.
Instead, during trying times, citizens do not patiently wait for things to
change; instead, they give up altogether, or become irreligious and
immoral. It is in this way
that patient waiting, I argue, becomes one of the pillars of moral
economy, one of the features of Maat, along with generosity and justice,
which I examined in previous essays.
Justice
is one of the features of Maat and it is also a potential source of a
Moral Economy, appropriate for the African condition.
As Aristotle taught, one does not become just merely by abstractly
knowing what Justice is; rather, one becomes just by doing just things.
The puzzling question is this: if one does not know what justice is then
how can she know what just things are, so that she could choose only just
things and not others? The question is not easy to answer. But an example
might give us a sense of what Aristotle means, and then proceed to discuss
the matter at hand, justice as one of the economic forms of Maat.
It
is Christmas evening and a family is gathering for a dinner and the table
had been set for ten people. Among the popular dishes are five pies, and
shortly before the guests arrive, one of the family members has been asked
to cut the pies into exact sizes, such that no single person would feel
that he has mistakenly picked one of the smallest pies, in the event that
a person picked a piece and it turned out to be the smallest.
The
task of the pie cutter was to observe that justice is served and that all
the pies are cut evenly and fairly. This is of course an exceedingly
difficult task, but justice demands it, and the just cutter must prove the
worthiness of her moral action. What must this person do? That is the
moral question. Well, at the minimum the person herself must be just in
order to perform just action, and in this instance, justice means nothing
more than cutting the pieces equally to ones best ability.
She
must cut the pies with a moral imagination and an intuitive mathematical
precision, and must pray to the transcendent to make her see justly, and
that she is enabled to measure precisely. There is a spiritual dimension
to the science of measurement, which could have been simply done with a
measuring rope. That possibility, however, convenient, is not elegant. She
is not going to stand there with a ruler to cut pies. Rather, the
expectations are two, that (1) She is going to make an effort to be
precise, because her intention is to be just and (2) that her eyes are
just, or that she prays that they would be. (1) and (2) are the
requirements; the rest is left to moral imagination.
She
cut the pies, and it turned out that, all the pieces appeared to be equal,
and when the guests arrived, they randomly picked the pieces, and appeared
to be clearly satisfied. What we have here is a display of justice in the
Aristotelian sense, in which justice is defined as an activity that is
guided by a measure of equality, and equality itself is manifest in the
attempt at being fair to everyone, and in this example, an attempt to be
fair to the guests, without they ever knowing that they are being worked
on. They judge the event as illuminated by justice, and the event as
uplifting. They ate, drunk, conversed, danced and left.
Justice
presented itself in this event, through the presence of those delicious
pies, each of which was a duplicate of the other.
Generalizing
this to a higher level, what we can say is that any economic form must be
guided with justice as an event of doing things fairly and that all the
commodities that human beings should want must be distributed with such a
standard, the standard of justice as fairness. Given justice as fairness,
commodity A can be distributed between persons B and C, in such an
equitable way, that B and C share commodity A by getting the same amount
at any time, any place and for a good reason.
The
celebrated moral features of Maat are generosity, justice, uprightness,
tolerance and loving patience. Indeed, these are demanding virtues that
capitalism as the dominant economic form cannot support, no matter how
diligently it tries. Adam Smith, the world famous economist, but who was
also a moral philosopher, did argue that unless capitalism is restrained
by morality, as a limiting condition of greed and superfluity, it will eat
itself up. To that effect, he developed an elaborate moral theory
comprising of what he called �moral sentiments� to control the
excesses of the market. He proposed compassion and sociality as two
powerful moral sentiments that could regulate the excesses of the market.
The moral sentiment, he thought, could counter the purely instrumental
features of the capitalist economic form. Of course, to this day, his
warning of an inevitable doom has yet to be heeded, and capitalism itself
continues to marvel its resiliency to create crises and immediately
correct them, thereby proving its �naturalness� and making it easy for
its proponents to present it to the world as a God chosen economic form.
Any attempt to counter it with something like Maat is dismissed as a pipe
dream. No body in her right mind is expected to take Maat seriously. And
the fact the geographical origin of Maat is an African civilization,
conveniently results in dismissing Maat as irrelevant and wishful
thinking.
Maat
as a moral form is considerably deeper than the passing moral sentiments
that the Scottish moral philosopher proposed. Generosity, justice,
uprightness, tolerance, wisdom and loving patience go directly against our
natural proclivity of injustice, dishonesty, intolerance, closedmindness,
ignorance and hate. These vices seem to fit the ready to hand tapestry of
our makeup, which by now has become, so second nature that no Maat is
going to dissemble these powerful vices which were effectively used to
build empires and economic forms that support the visions of the rich and
powerful. In contemporary life revitalizing the features of Maat requires
nothing less than manufacturing a new human being.
We
must create new human beings, human beings who have to be willing and
capable of acting generously, patiently, tolerantly and lovingly. We do
not have such human beings in sufficient numbers that matter to construct
an economic form that values justice, uprightness, wisdom, tolerance and
loving patience.
Taking
the virtues singly, the following picture emerges. Let us begin with
generosity. Generosity is a virtue. It is a virtue that is willing to give
without receiving, or is willing to give without the deliberate intent of
receiving anything, or that the receiving is only an accident, and not an
intentional act. The generous person then gives a particular good A to
person B; and person B does not simply receive A as a matter of course. B
receives A with a profound respect of the giver, and even plans, if she
can, to one day reciprocate not in the same way, but in some way. The
reciprocity need not be of equal goods. A and B need not be two equal
goods, in which equality is measured by money. What makes the act morally
compelling is the desire to reciprocate, and not the quantity of the
reciprocity.
One
of the economic forms of Maat, as illustrated above, is a vision of the
self as generous, and generosity itself does not require a calculated
practice of reciprocity but simply the desire and the commitment to give
when one can, and sometimes, to give A to B, although A has to sacrifice
good C for the sake of giving A to B, even when one cannot, and perhaps
should not, and yet the generous gives nevertheless. One of the central
pillars of Maat as an economic form is the cultivation of a human self
willing and capable of acting generously in the relational moral regime of
giving and receiving, or simply giving without receiving, or receiving
with a profound sense of gratitude and respect.
Tewodros
Kiros, PhD
December
10, 2009
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