�TPLF strategists as of January 2, 2010 have come with a new mechanism to ensure their continuity, which would adversely affect integrity of the election. They have successfully orchestrated formation of �coalition of civil society organisations�, preparing to deploy 40,000 election observers throughout the country� We already know the coalition�s attitude, for instance, regarding the presence during the election of foreign observers. Read carefully and reflect on what Ato Kassahun Follo, vice president of the new coalition and president of CETU�Ethiopian labour unions�said: �We say this task concerns us more than it does foreign observers. They cannot be better observers than we are. Whereas we share with them common objectives on this mission, not only would we do the task of observing the election like them, but better than they do. We have the skills, the capacity and the responsibility� (Reporter writer�s translation).

While the TPLF/EPRDF�s electoral victory is not unanticipated, this time 99.6 percent victory is way over the top, signifying its organisational control and habitual manipulations. Unfortunately, this time around, this result came when the opposition, despite its weaknesses, has sent shock waves into the spines of the ruling party in Tigrai, Amhara and Oromia. Did the prime minister have any surprises? Yes, by his admission. He said the opposition did better than he had anticipated in Tigrai, TPLF�s home base. That tells something!

Nonetheless, irrespective of the size of its victory, what matters is that this juncture is culmination of the country�s journey into becoming bona fide single party state, both in form and content. What the TPLF/EPRDF has done is a to repeat what other African dictators have practiced in almost all parts of the region for decades, constantly exposing the region to instability and conflicts. Mostly in the past, where the military seized power there were those that outright said there would be no talk of democracy, no elections either so long as they had the guns. They decaled from the time they seized power that their form of governance is single party rule. In that sense, they should be credited for their honesty, although they reduced countries after countries to sterility in terms of human development and the taste and sense of citizenship and dignity that have hardly been restored.

Others cheated their own people in the name of democracy. The international community cooperated with the dictators, both old Cold War warriors (most of them ex-colonial masters) and the East shoring up those regimes. For a long time, they have allowed these cruel people to get away with mass murders and sham elections that pushed Africa into downward spiral politically, economically and socially. A repeat of this across the continent has simply discredited elections in the eyes of ordinary Africans that have to pay for the extravaganza to crown dictators with their sweats and blood. What strength do ordinary people have to overcome such a united front, unless they now see the evil of this and both sides change the terms of their relationship?

The fourth round national election has cost Ethiopian tax payers Birr 189 million ($ 14.1 million), the incumbents use of government resources, human and material, not accounted for. Ethiopians would have been better off with their $14 million spent on something more meaningful to improve their daily lives than the dictatorship it has imposed on them for years to come. Remotely, one can assume that the lesson it has left may be useful. After all, when the lack of sense of proportions reaches this level (in every sense) indecency, it is called hubris�arrogant presumption�borne of recklessness blended with deception and intoxication by power. That is recipe for disaster.

The past few years of economic growth and development are becoming a poison chalice to Ethiopians. It has been used as license by the ruling party to entrench itself in power indefinitely, doing whatever it likes, as it did before. Ato Meles tries to justify longer stay in power often referring to the example of Sweden under the Social democratic party and Japan under the Liberal Democratic Party. Does he see at all that there is no parallel whatsoever between the two and Ethiopia�s experience under his rule? These countries are in fact known for their human oriented development premised on respect for the human rights and democratic rights of their peoples! At no time have these parties during their time in power were accused of vote rigging, harassment, imprisonment and torture of their political opponents and gagging the national media. They are in fact known around the world for their humane policies that Africa since the 1970 has so much appreciated.

There is no evidence in these past two decades the TPLF/EPRDF has ever endeavoured to learn from their useful experiences in governance. It is lost on it that their secret is winning the hearts and minds of their citizens, with advanced growth, more democracy and respect for human dignity in welfare states, not stealing the benefits of growth through effort and other outlets. Unfortunately, Ato Meles and his colleagues are more enthused by length of time these parties stayed in power, which is why they make them their point of references.

Perhaps better comparison for TPLF/EPRDF is found in Equatorial Guinea, a country of oil wealth boom and stark poverty. Equatorial Guinea is chosen here for a number of reasons. For one, it is Africa�s foremost example of farcical elections, even after 1993 when it started its transition to multi-party democracy. Secondly, like in Ethiopia, the opposition is under constant intimidation and in and out from prison. It is reported that around 90 percent of all opposition politicians live in exile; and 550 anti-Obiang activists have been jailed and several killed since 1979. In 2006, it was named one of the top five most-censored countries by the Committee to Protect Journalists. Repeated requests from the United Nations to hold talks with officials and visit prisons have been refused, which made the country a topic of on-going reviews.

Today, the ruling party (PDGE) controls 99 of the 100 seats in its parliament. Secondly, the opposition is severely hampered by the lack of a free press and political freedom to campaign. In addition, Ethiopia�s election trends bear strong similarity with Equatorial Guinea as shown in the table below.