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Famine,
Hunger and Public Action: Modest Policy
Proposals for East Africa
Teodros
Kiros (Ph.D)
The
specter of pessimism continues to haunt discussions of famine and hunger
in sub-Saharan
Africa
. However, this pessimism is misplaced and misstated because famines and
hunger everywhere in the world can be overcome by systematic public
action. The brilliant Amartya
Sen, the Nobel Laureate for Economics in 1998, who has devoted his life to
the study of famines, a few years back stated, “One of the problems that
makes the task of the prevention of famines and hunger particularly
difficult is the general sense of pessimism and defeatism that
characterizes so much of the discussions of poverty and hunger in the
modern world. While pictures of misery and starvation arouse sympathy and
pity across the world, it is often taken for granted that nothing much can
be done to remedy these desperate situations, at least in the short
run.” (Tanco Memorial lecture, August 1990).
These
subtle words apply to the recurrence of famine and perpetual hunger in
Somalia
now and soon in
Ethiopia
with unprecedented urgency. If you asked any Ethiopian legislator why
famines occur with such consistency, he might look at you in surprise, and
reply that it is a natural mishap manifest in crop failure, and the
sluggishness and cursed existence of the victims. Of course, some of our
ardent critical revolutionaries seek to advance what they call structural
explanations. The latter explanation is the correct one.
Famine
can be immediately curtailed if legislators make sure that peasant
laborers, such as the Ethiopian nomads of the south, are not forced by
desperation during periods of famine to consume their animals instead of
preserving them for the creation of value, by seeing to it they are always
helped by an efficient state to possess the necessary purchasing power to
buy food where they are available, without eating their potentially value
creating animals. It is the duty of the state to feed, clothe and house
the victims of famine. Similarly, those fortunate producers who have the
food grains that the famished need should be forced by public action not
to engage in speculative withdrawals and panic hoarding, thereby
contributing to the desperation of the hungry and endemically deprived.
During
periods of famine and immediately after, primary producers of food should
be encouraged to export grains if they are so able. The state must create
the appropriate market for them so that they can slowly begin to get
purchasing power and live productive lives again. If they can, they too
are entitled to purchase luxury goods like the consumers of the city. They
need not necessarily suffer from envy and jealousy, and harbor deep
resentments of the city dweller. Envy and jealousy propel many ethnic
conflicts. Systematic public action can remove this destructive state of
mind. The peasant and the city dweller can work toward a common good.
As
in Bengal in 1943, in which 3 million people died, a majority of which
were fishermen, transport workers, agricultural laborers, in Ethiopia too,
the victims are invariably poor peasants and pastoral nomads. Sen writes,
“it is they who eat their animal products directly and also sell animals
to buy food grains (thereby making a net gain in calories, on which he is
habitually dependent. Similarly, a Bengali fisherman does consume some
fish, though for his survival he is dependent on grain calories which he
obtains at a favorable calories exchange rate by selling fish—a luxury
food for most Bengali" ( Amartya Sen, Poverty and Famines, p. 951).
The
parallels between
Ethiopia
and
Bengal
are arresting. Both poor economies are pressured by desperation to make
suicidal economic decisions. Both economies behave unproductively, in
search of immediate purchasing power in order to exist. Had there been a
functional state, it would have intervened and procured the right to eat
without squandering crucial economic sources of value creation.
Matters
become worse. Those who manage to survive famines reemerge on the streets
of major cities as hungry and permanently poor. Consider the following
image of a day in Addis, which I witnessed on Bole road in 1995.
I
took a stroll at three o'clock in the afternoon to a flood of light that
the tropical sun gave the city of Addis on a beautiful day in late summer.
It was early in the afternoon when I was strolling on a familiar avenue
through a deafening crowd. On this busy afternoon, thousands of exhausted
people were returning from work; a vender was pushing his famished young
chicken for hard sale; a prostitute was offering her lanky body for few
birrs; a shoe shine boy was offering his services for coins; beggars were
chanting, surrounded by a crowd; the street cafes were teeming with idlers
sharing a pot of tea among ten people; children were pleading for money by
aggressively putting their sickly hands inside wealthy people's big cars,
and getting whisked away like flies; a preacher in the corner was telling
the passersby that unless they mend their selfish ways, they are going to
be consumed by a ferocious famine that might erase the inhabitants from
the face of the earth; standing directly opposite from the preacher, a
politician is campaigning and promising that he will bring prosperity and
peace to every citizen. I smiled sadly, when I heard a small boy saying,
“Sir, you are God, since you were chosen to be the wealthiest, so please
give me money; it is God's money after all ".
I
continued strolling down the avenue invaded by sadness. I saw a blind man
carrying a deaf old woman, which turned out to be his mother. A passerby
had just rudely thrown a coin at him, dry bread, with which he was feeding
his mother, until another younger beggar snatched the bread, to unhappily
discover that another one eyed beggar had just swiftly managed to take
away from the previous unlawful owner. A small dog joined the scene
longingly eyeing the bones, managed to snatch from a little boy, and run
away with his catch, rejoicing his success.
A
few yards away, a boy, small, nicely built, super black with shiny and
semi oily skin was exposing himself annoying the passersby. He was
dancing, by running left and right. Some women would secretly glance at
him and whisper words to one another. Men would out rightly shout rude
words at him, except that he did not care. He had apparently entered a
trance. Young children giggled, jumped up and down, and innocently
convinced that the boy was giving them a show, refusing their mothers
desperate efforts to save them from cultural poisoning. The boy continued
his act.
The
harassed strollers and nervous walkers appeared neither shocked nor amused
only annoyed. The large avenue was slowly populated by a variety of
expensive cars. Behind their wheels sat brightly dressed and overgrown
men. These were the wealthy residents of Addis on their way to lavish
weddings and parties at the majestic Hilton.
Far
away into the end of the avenue, is the palace, which was built by Emperor
Haile Selassie I.
The
characters above are the victims of endemic deprivation. Some have
migrated from the famished countryside. Some have been festering there for
years. No one knows where he or she is born. Few care about when and how
they die. Systematic public action is challenged to address their
condition.
Conclusion
The
economically deprived subjects in
Ethiopia
, the victims of famines and hunger, are targets of public action- a blend
of state action and market activities. In my article, The African Union,
WIC July 23, 2000, I introduced two principles of justice, and proposed
that legislators must be guided by principles of justice. The first
principle sought to ensure that the hungry must be fully fed, clothed and
sheltered as a mater of inalienable human right. Only after that condition
is satisfied that irresponsible spending at Ethiopian hotels can be given
a blind eye.
The
members of the media must freely expose and criticize the discrepancy of
poverty and wealth. Corruption, lavish spending abroad, endemic poverty at
home, uneven purchasing power, the demystification of famines and hunger
must be discussed in the public sphere, at parliament, in the classroom.
The public must be informed and its conscience must be haunted.
Prostitutes
and their parents must be given medical literacy about their violated
bodies. In this regard,
Ethiopians can learn from the heroic successes of the poor state of Kerala,
where Medical literacy has become a right and life expectancy has been
generously extended to seventy years.
Those
idle children I described above can be trained at very low cost to
participate in the market to help themselves. Ethiopia can learn from
South Korea, Hong Kong, Singapore, economies of value, which have
successfully combined economic expansion with social responsibility to the
disadvantaged poor, by reducing infant mortality and illiteracy. As Seen
put the matter, " It is not legitimate to wonder whether a poor
country can "afford" to spend so much on health and education
that many poor countries (such as Sri Lanka, China, Costa Rica, the Indian
State of Kerala, and others) have done precisely that with much success,
but also understand the general fact that the cost of delivering public
health care and basic education facilities is enormously cheaper in a poor
country than in a rich one (Amartya Sen, Tanco Memorial lecture, p, 5)
Finally
and most importantly, legislators must be advised to avoid costly wars
that plunder value creating economies. Peace and prosperity for all must
be the goal of the hopeful
Ethiopia
. Famines and hunger can be eliminated by the actions of a morally
sensitive market and systematic public action. Diversification and peace
must be the engines of change in a new
Ethiopia
.
Teodros Kiros (Ph.D)
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